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Recently Mayor Bill de Blasio went to Iowa, not for the first time, presumably to vision-board a bid for the presidency despite his public equivocations. Over the course of two stops, one in Sioux City and another in Des Moines, roughly 65 people came out to see him, a number that might disappoint even organizers of a municipal town hall on new concepts in recycling. Never one to be deterred by absurdly long odds, he is on his way to Florida this weekend.
Let’s take it as a matter of certainty that with a 43 percent approval rating in the city he runs and no reality-television franchise to explode his fan base, Mr. de Blasio has little chance of becoming the next president of the United States. Delusion often protects us from acknowledging life’s unsettling ironies. Six years ago, when he was elected the mayor of New York, in a landslide of the kind not seen since 1985, he was poised to become the country’s most prominent voice of the progressive left.
It is easy to forget how concisely he delivered his message on the corrosive effects of inequality and how much it resonated when he campaigned in 2013, a moment when few politicians of his stature were branding themselves so definitively this way.
And yet by the time of the Democratic National Convention in 2016, Mr. de Blasio was relegated to a minor speaking slot scheduled during rush hour on the East Coast. This was partly retribution for his slow reflex to endorse the Democratic nominee, but it made clear how little currency he actually had with a new and growing movement he was so crucial in fomenting.
Now, even if he were to serve merely as a traveling salesman for a particular strain of liberal problem-solving, something he seems compelled to do, Mr. de Blasio could easily be a liability to Democrats in the 2020 election cycle.
On the one hand, a new wave of progressives shares little of his comfort with real estate and other moneyed interests. This was clear when his initial support of Amazon’s expansion in New York was met with a fury he did not anticipate. He could not see that his relentless focus on the 25,000 jobs Amazon promised was misguided given low unemployment rates and the increasing number of technology jobs that have already come to New York. Good jobs are available to New Yorkers; what they don’t have is affordable housing, and that is a problem Amazon wasn’t going to solve.
Beyond that, the mayor is especially vulnerable to attacks from the right that would, predictably, suggest that his administration has embodied the failure of so-called big government. It is hard to defend his disastrous handling of the New York City Housing Authority, which has been troubled and underfunded for decades but reached peak crisis during his tenure, with lies and obfuscations about lead paint inspections and the increasing debilitation of the buildings themselves.
Just this week at a panel discussion on the future of Brooklyn, the urban planner and Yale professor Alexander Garvin, who oversaw the development of Lower Manhattan after the attacks of Sept. 11, argued that the city has passively and pointlessly waited for federal money to repair public housing — money that was never going to come — instead of pursuing innovative means of financing those repairs itself, through bond issues.
The troubled subway system and Mr. de Blasio’s unsuccessful Renewal schools initiative simply provide more bait for privatization hawks to discredit the viability of a liberal approach to accomplishing fundamental problems with infrastructure and education that plague the whole country.
While blame for the dysfunctional transit system can largely be laid at the feet of Gov. Andrew Cuomo, the mayor’s inability to work with him as a grown-up has only made things worse. It took Mr. de Blasio until the last possible minute to get behind a congestion-pricing plan that could divert revenue to subway repairs.
The mayor is increasingly oblivious. This week he rode the subway and seemed surprised to discover just how exasperated New Yorkers are with their inability to get to where they are going without delays and hassles and endless anxiety.
“What I gleaned is people really depend on their subways,” Mr. de Blasio said at a news conference later, sounding as if he were a tourist from Havana with limited access to the tens of thousands of words that have been devoted to this subject by the local press during the past few years.
“‘Some days I get to work on time, some days I’m a half-hour late, 45 minutes late,’” Mr. de Blasio continued, recounting the conversations he had on the train. “You can hear the frustration.” That frustration has been within audible range for a very long time.
Mr. de Blasio’s style seems particularly ill-suited to a moment when personality politics have entered a new and hypercharged phase, when the ability to create an obsession both among one’s own constituents and the opposition seems so essential to getting ahead. Mr. de Blasio has always dismissed the criticisms that he is too earnest, too arrogant, too unlikable, too aloof. But how does he plan to compete in a world of Donald Trump rage tweets and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez talking to voters as she sings in her kitchen or chops squash?
Somewhere he may have the knives to cut through, but they all lack the edge.
2017全年三六九肖【赵】【阳】【看】【似】【是】【逃】【掉】【了】，【其】【实】【和】【没】【逃】【是】【一】【样】【的】，【他】【总】【要】【面】【对】BOSS【的】，【否】【则】【他】【就】【一】【辈】【子】【走】【不】【出】【这】【个】【剧】【情】【任】【务】！【剧】【情】【任】【务】【的】【诡】【异】【他】【是】【见】【识】【过】【的】，【这】【并】【不】【是】【真】【正】【原】【先】【的】【地】【方】！ 【走】【不】【出】【剧】【情】【任】【务】，【也】【就】【意】【味】【着】【赵】【阳】【在】【七】【天】【内】【无】【法】【升】【级】【到】5，【同】【样】【会】【被】【系】【统】【抹】【杀】【掉】！ 【半】【个】【小】【时】【后】，【赵】【阳】【像】【个】【落】【汤】【鸡】【般】【带】【着】【安】【然】【爬】【到】【了】【下】【水】【道】
【血】【红】【色】【囊】【袋】【上】【方】【的】【蔓】【藤】【开】【始】【分】【裂】【成】【数】【十】【根】【蔓】【藤】，【这】【些】【分】【裂】【出】【来】【的】【蔓】【藤】【有】【粗】【有】【细】，【粗】【的】【约】【有】【大】【腿】【粗】，【细】【的】【却】【只】【有】【小】【指】【大】【小】。 【同】【样】，【这】【些】【分】【裂】【出】【来】【的】【蔓】【藤】【长】【短】【不】【一】，【长】【得】【约】【有】【二】【三】【十】【米】【长】，【短】【的】【却】【只】【有】【一】【两】【米】【左】【右】。 【看】【着】【已】【经】【无】【法】【动】【弹】，【全】【身】【骨】【骼】【吱】【吱】【作】【响】【的】【撕】【裂】【者】，【王】【星】【意】【念】【一】【动】，【被】【蔓】【藤】【缠】【饶】【的】【撕】【裂】【者】【瞬】【间】【散】【架】
【自】【己】【缴】【纳】【社】【保】，【一】【般】【是】【指】【那】【些】【没】【有】【工】【作】，【暂】【时】【离】【职】【或】【者】【创】【业】，【自】【己】【开】【店】【的】【个】【体】【工】【商】【户】，【这】【时】【候】【缴】【纳】【社】【保】【能】【够】【保】【障】【自】【己】【的】【基】【本】【权】【益】，【尤】【其】【是】【生】【活】【在】【大】【城】【市】，【可】【以】【说】【没】【有】【社】【保】【寸】【步】【难】【行】，【那】【么】【个】【体】【户】【自】【己】【怎】【么】【交】【社】【保】【呢】？2017全年三六九肖【军】【事】【方】【面】，【在】【壮】【武】【郡】【内】，【除】【了】【属】【性】【面】【板】【上】【的】【军】【队】【情】【况】，【其】【他】【也】【就】【一】【些】【据】【点】【变】【动】，【此】【外】【要】【专】【门】【提】【一】【下】，【辽】【东】【养】【马】【场】【闫】【柔】【麾】【下】【的】【骑】【兵】【以】【及】【管】【承】【统】【帅】【的】【东】【莱】【水】【军】【并】【没】【有】【算】【在】【壮】【武】【郡】【的】【军】【队】【里】。 “【原】【来】【在】【这】【里】。” 【武】【安】【邦】【也】【是】【听】【到】【汇】【报】【后】，【才】【从】【自】【己】【的】【管】【辖】【界】【面】【下】【方】【的】【管】【辖】【外】【据】【点】【和】【人】【才】【部】【曲】【发】【现】【两】【支】【军】【队】，【闫】【柔】【麾】【下】【目】
【秦】【烟】【咬】【咬】【唇】，【不】【知】【为】【何】，【她】【就】【觉】【得】【她】【的】【决】【定】【没】【错】。 【现】【在】【陈】【嘉】【嘉】【追】【着】【她】【咬】，【万】【一】【某】【天】【陈】【嘉】【嘉】【阴】【沟】【里】【翻】【船】，【她】【得】【利】【呢】。 【日】【子】【还】【长】，【未】【来】【发】【生】【什】【么】【都】【不】【一】【定】。 【走】【走】【再】【瞧】【呗】。 【叶】【若】【若】【咬】【牙】【切】【齿】，【一】【副】【想】【撸】【起】【柚】【子】【和】【她】【干】【一】【架】【的】【架】【势】。 “【不】【说】【别】【的】，【你】【气】【人】【是】【一】【把】【好】【手】，【都】【好】【奇】【权】【爷】【受】【得】【了】【你】【受】【不】【了】【你】。”
【圣】【人】【之】【上】【尚】【有】【第】【五】【境】，【那】【么】【第】【五】【境】【之】【上】【可】【还】【有】【第】【六】【境】【的】【存】【在】？ 【这】【个】【问】【题】【想】【过】【的】【人】【不】【多】，【而】【能】【给】【出】【答】【案】【的】【更】【是】【一】【个】【也】【没】【有】。 【因】【为】【古】【往】【今】【来】【唯】【有】【盘】【古】，【盘】【古】【斧】【与】【鸿】【钧】【这】【三】【位】【超】【脱】【的】【存】【在】。 【盘】【古】【已】【陨】，【盘】【古】【斧】【多】【半】【还】【不】【如】【鸿】【钧】，【鸿】【钧】【已】【是】【世】【间】【当】【之】【无】【愧】【的】【最】【强】【者】。 【但】【他】【仍】【只】【是】【第】【五】【境】，【他】【已】【看】【不】【见】【前】【路】。